By Susan Bradford

Special Presentation of The Common Sense Show

Glenn Youngkin will soon be sworn in as Governor of Virginia,
inspiring increased scrutiny upon his previous employer, the Carlyle
Group, a powerful private equity firm over which he presided as

The Governor-elect appears every bit the gentleman and family man,
albeit one who is exceedingly rich. His net worth is a reported $500
million, assets has reportedly obtain through his work and investments
with Carlyle.

At a time of looming deficits and government overreach, Youngkin will
likely not challenge the corrupt status quo but continue to confer
privileges and taxpayer-gifted contracts upon the political classes,
based upon what is generally known about Carlyle.

While ordinary Americans fight among themselves over critical race
theory and other distractions, the political classes are
redistributing the public's wealth to themselves.
Since the pruning of the Bush dynasty, the Carlyle Group has lost
much of its political luster; it remains a grotesque edifice to crony
capitalism that serves no purpose beyond enriching its shareholders at
taxpayer expense and chiseling away at America's civil liberties.

The Carlyle Group may very well have invented crony capitalism,
establishing a mechanism by which the few could fleece the many. As
Congressman Paul Ryan once observed, “crony capitalism (is) where
you take money from successful small businesses, spend it in
Washington on favored industries, on favored individuals, picking
winners and losers in the economy. That's not pro-growth economics.
That's not entrepreneurial economics. That's not helping small
businesses. That's cronyism. That's corporate welfare.”

Not unexpectedly, the Carlyle Group grew rich by exploiting the poor.

In the 1970s, oil had been discovered in Prudhoe Bay, enough to render
the United States energy independent for centuries.
Before the oil could be tapped, the issue of land claims needed to be

Efforts to drill the oil were stopped dead in their tracks by the
Nixon Administration inistration which had taken the United States off
the gold standard to launch the petro-dollar so that Secretary of
State Henry Kissinger could lock the United States into a web of
“interdependencies,” eroding its ability to act independently an
within its own interests.

Going forward, the United States would need to look to Saudi Arabia
and other oil producing nations for natural resources it held at home,
with shadow elites manipulating supply and demand.

The land claim was resolved through legislation, providing Eskimos
simple title to 44 million acres of land and a settlement of nearly $1
billion, 80 percent of which could not be accounted for.

The little that was left over from the Alaska Native Claims Settlement
Act was shored up into the newly created Alaska Native Corporations
(ANCs), which were billed a means through which Eskimos could achieve
economic self-sufficiency, not unlike the tribal casinos in the lower
48 states that churned out millions to billions of dollars while
tribal members remained impoverished.

“America's poorest corporate shareholders … came by their holdings
as a birthright, through a program created by the federal government
.. to settle Native land claims in Alaska,” the Washington Post
reported. “Over time and through special privileges given by
Congress, the corporations have partaken in one of the greatest
contracting booms in American history. But Alaska Natives are still
among the nation's poorest citizens. Where did all the money go?”

Enter the Carlyle Group.

Carlyle was conceived in the Carlyle Hotel in the Upper East Side of
New York City after the firm's founders “got wind of a little known
tax loophole that allowed Eskimo-owned companies in Alaska to sell
their losses to profitable companies,” Dan Briody observed in The
Iron Triangle.

The loophole was established in 1970 “when Alaska Natives arrived at
a unique settlement with the federal government over ownership claims
of Alaska land,” he wrote.

“Under a unique settlement, Alaskan Natives were allowed to set up
Native-run corporations to invest and manage the money they had been
awarded. (The) companies soon found themselves facing huge losses and
limited options for turning things around.

Alaskan Senator Ted Stevens helped Alaskan-owned companies “leverage
their losses by selling them to profitable companies looking for tax
breaks,” Briody wrote. “If an Alaskan company lost $10 million in
a fiscal year, they would sell the losses for $7 million in much
needed cash. The buyer would then write the losses off against its
profits, getting a $10 million tax credit for $7 million.”

The founders of Carlyle cashed in, “flying Eskimos into Washington,
DC, buttering them up, and brokering deals between them and profitable
American companies,” he wrote. “Finding the loss-making Eskimos
was easier than they had imagined, and the profitable counterparts
couldn't get enough free money. (Carlyle founders) took a one percent
cut of the transactions and sent an estimated $1 billion through the
loophole. A cottage industry had been born. (They) recognized the
ongoing potential of the businesses and decided to incorporate. (With)
a crew in place, liabilities limited, and money coming in the door,
the boys were ready to make something of themselves.”

The foundations for the ANCs were laid by the Nixon Administration's
Office of Economic Opportunity which was run by Donald Rumsfeld, Frank
Carlucci, and Dick Cheney

Once established, ANCs were connected to defense contractors. Stevens
sponsored legislation that allowed the tribal corporations to receive
preferential treatment, as minority-owned businesses, through Section
8(a) of the SBA's Small Business Act. With a minority designation held
in perpetuity, the ANCs could receive non-compete federal contracts
with no monetary caps, generating unlimited amounts of money for the
major defense contractors who used ANCs as fronts to circumvent the
competitive bidding process.

Within Carlyle, a nexus of liberal and noeconservative interests
intersected, helping them tighten their financial control of Capitol
Hill. For example, billionaire investor George Soros, who has plowed
money into Native Groups like the National Congress of American
Indians and the Native American Rights Fund, has invested $100 million
in Carlyle Partners II, one of the largest and most successful Carlyle

George W. Bush had invested $10 million in one Carlyle Group which
employed him before he became the Governor of Texas. Osama bin Laden,
who had reportedly orchestrated the terrorist attacks on September 11,
2001, was another investor.

Rumsfeld and Carlucci alternatively served as Chairman of the Carlyle
Group. Cheney went on to serve as CEO of Halliburton, an oil company
that acquired lucrative federal contracting opportunities with ANCs
during the War on Terrorism when Rumfeld was Secretary of Defense.
While beating the drums for war as Bush's Vice President, Cheney
ensured ANCs received lucrative contracting opportunities on behalf of
the nation's leading defense contractors.

President George H.W. Bush, a former Director of the CIA who had
worked with Nixon to open up markets in China for multinationals, was
advisor to Carlyle while his son was President.

“Carlyle would never have gotten to the level that it is at today
had it not been for the premeditated commingling of business and
politics,” Briody wrote.
Between 1998 and 2003, the firm reportedly managed accounts valued at
over $157 billion, with Carlyle ranking as the Pentagon's ninth
largest contractor. By 2011,

Carlyle co-founder David Rubenstein reported held a net worth of $2.8
billion as 138thrichest American, according to Forbes.

Rubenstein recruited Youngkin to join the firm in 1995, when Bill
Clinton was President, with the Clintons forging close and enduring
ties with Carlyle.

Adding to this, American Intelligence Media has reported a disturbing
commingling of interests between the Carlyle Group and Serco and
QinetiQ, with the latter two companies (in which the
Rothschild-controlled British Monarch holds the golden controlling
share) processing American patents and receiving U.S.-taxpayer funded
defense contracts. As founding secretary for QinetiQ, a creation of
the British Ministry of Defense, Youngkin owes his wealth, career, and
fealty to the British Monarchy, which is controlled by the
Rothschilds, and ultimately the Vatican – globalists leading the
United States into a technocracy which has brought untold misery upon
the American people, stripped people of their wealth and civil
liberties under the pretext of wars, terrorism, and endless
manufactured crises; and reorganized the nation's wealth, natural
resources, and power under their own control by way of the
public-private partnerships forged through groups like Carlyle. How
Youngkin can champion the interests of the American people while
serving a foreign master that seeks to extinguish American
exceptionalism under a tyrannical New World Order led by Communist
China is anyone's guess.

Susan Bradford is an investigative journalist, historian, and author
of Royal Blood Lies, Tartar Treachery, and many other books. Her web
site can be viewed here:

(c) 2021 Susan Bradford